Yemen’s Recent Ceasefire and the Canadian Arms Deal that Fueled the Violence
Photo Credit: (Bloomberg News/Google Images)
Written by: Morgana Adby
This Friday, reports came in that a tense ceasefire has been agreed upon in Yemen, in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although there are no reported cases of the novel coronavirus, there is also no indication that there has been mass testing.
When there is an outbreak in Yemen, it will be devastating. First responders, hospitals and other healthcare infrastructure have been made targets of war. The bombings and other attacks on healthcare have been distressing on the best of days, but is an international shame as we anticipate a Yemen outbreak.
What has been going on in Yemen?
Yemen has been called the worst human rights crisis of our time. The small middle eastern country has been wartorn and subject to famine.
Foundationally, the issue goes back to the Middle East’s cold war between Iran and Saudi Arabia. During the mid 2010s, following the Arab Spring, internal divisions led to a Houthi military movement. The last four years have seen the country transform into an unrecognizable bloodbath.
The reason things got so bad, is in part the international escalation. Britain and the United States have been fundamental to the Saudi bombings. These bombings have indiscriminately targeted civilians and first-responders.
A Saudi-led coalition directly opposes the Houthi forces. They established a blockade in 2017 -- in addition to the usual devastation of proxy warfare -bombings, guerrilla warfare and massive civilian casualties. This prevented the already vulnerable population from getting food and medicine, resulting in famine and a Cholera outbreak. Even after international condemnation pressured the blockade to discontinue, there were still limits on the goods entering the country.
Yemen usually imported 90% of their food, so this practice directly killed civilians. UNICEF has expressed deep concern over the conditions of children in the country, especially in relation to food security. In 2019, Houthi rebels also blocked civilians from accessing food.
Where is there blood on Canada’s hands?
Saudi Arabia and the United States have a unique relationship. It should be no surprise that American arms and support has gone towards the Saudi coalition in Yemen. Likewise Britain's role, although saddening has not strayed far from business as usual. Canada and Saudi Arabia’s relationship has been weakened in recent years over domestic treatment of women and journalists. Performatively, we oppose Saudi Arabia’s human rights violations. Yet, from a material perspective, Canada is just as friendly to Saudi Arabia’s policy in the Middle East.
Most relevant, is significant evidence that Canadian arms have been used by Saudi-led militants to commit violence in Yemen.
This is all part of a $13 billion arms deal made with Saudi Arabia under the Harper government. Despite continued pressure, Trudeau has not withdrawn from the deal.
Prime Minister Trudeau has made remarks that the government was trying to get out of the deal. However, he has used the hefty contract penalty that comes with the contract, as an excuse to maintain it.
A statement from the former Minister of Foreign Affairs office reinforced the sentiment last year. Since the passing of Bill C-47, Canada’s exports hypothetically need to comply with international human rights standards including the Arms Trade Treaty.
Press Secretary Adam Austen told Global News, “creates a new legal requirement that the Canadian government must refuse export permits that violate key human rights criteria.”
According to our own laws, if exports are being used to violate human rights, we have an obligation to discontinue the practice. Last year, when video and photographic evidence of Canadian-made military equipment in Yemen emerged, the global affairs office denied the correlation between the current arms deal and the violence. Instead, a memo claims that the Canadian exported equipment seen in Yemen was produced in the 90s, so the Global Affairs office allowed the 21st century deal to continue.
The explanation is highly contested by advocates, experts and watchdogs. Most telling, is that in the contact that General Dynamics has, the Global Affairs office recognizes “... the appearance of a Canadian- made weapon (LRT-3 sniper rifle) Photographed in the hands of a Houthi fighter in Yemen. More than 1300 sniper rifles have been exported from Canada to Saudi Arabian military and security forces under valid export permits, including several hundred of this model.” The document goes on to explain that the weapon likely transferred hands during military operations on the border.
The reality is that Yemen is messy. It is a 21st century conflict zone, with hefty civilian costs and many distinct groups with their own ends. The reality is, we do not know where these weapons will end up if any of our exports get geographically tied up with the conflict. Any weapons we export could end up in the hands of any rebel or fighter, and further escalates the situation. Any weaponry we export to Saudi Arabia could be used to kill civilians, and we would not know because we do not want to know - the Global Affairs office has flippantly dismissed our responsibility for escalation.
Even if the equipment found in Yemen is from a 1990s export, details in contracts such as repairs on purchased equipment allows for further use of force in a brutal conflict. Weaponry is most in demand in devastating conflicts, so why would arms suppliers be invested in deescalation? Willful ignorance is the pleasant way of putting it. A more critical reading yields a picture of a Canada that is okay with bending our own values so that General Dynamics can do business.
Certainly, Saudi Arabia is confident that Canada will continue exporting arms. Saudi Minister of State for Foreign Affairs said,“Regarding the Canada arms deal, we see the Canadian government going ahead with the deal so the statements are for domestic consumption.”
And sure enough, by March 2020, Canadian businesses continue to profit from potential human rights abuses. In 2019, a record $2.7 billion worth of Light Armoured Vehicles (LAV) was exported. Of that, $2.4 billion was exported to Saudi Arabia.
A Project Ploughshares writer questions this record when Canada is pursuing a Security Council seat; the election for not permanent members is scheduled for June.
In 2019, Canada LAVs were exported at “... nearly double the record-high value sent to the Saudis in 2018, and more than five times the also-record value of those sent in 2016. Last year, for the first time in recent history, a country other than the United States was likely the biggest importer of Canadian weapons.”
What now?
Looking back at years of public pressure, where cabinet members continuously said that the Saudi arms deal was under review, it is difficult to trust that the lip service means anything. After all, last year was a record for military exports to Saudi Arabia even after most of these statements were made.
Most important, is watchdogs that can accurately track where Canadian weapons are actually going. As mentioned, in the proxy conflicts of today that is increasingly challenging but is likely the only way to find resolution to the issue.
If critics are wrong and it is found that Saudi Arabia is buying billions of dollars of weapons that they do not use in Yemen, then the issue can be put aside for another day. However, if further evidence is found that Canadian weapons are escalating the conflict, then the only resolution will be to abide by our own laws and values and stop the exporting of weapons to Saudi Arabia.
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